一国两制蕴含着怎样的现实威力（一国两制漫谈③）

作者：萧平

XIAO PING

资深时事评论员

Why "crossing river by feeling the stones" is neccessary

“摸着石头过河”，这是内地改革开放之初鼓励探索的一句口头禅。“一国两制”前无古人，要让这一全新体系顺利落地并发挥预想的效用，至少在初始阶段也要“摸着石头过河”。

"Cross the river by feeling the stones.” These words of wisdom have been passed down for generations and inspired the Chinese nation in the early days of the reform and opening-up in the late 1970s and early '80s. Since “one country, two systems” is unprecedented in human history, the only way to implement it successfully is by trial and error, at least in the beginning. That is why Deng Xiaoping described it as “crossing the river by feeling the stones”.

去年10月召开的中共十九届四中全会指出：“‘一国两制’是党领导人民实现祖国和平统一的一项重要制度，是中国特色社会主义的一个伟大创举。”这是对“一国两制”重要作用和历史地位的高度肯定。

The Communist Party of China reached the conclusion, at the fourth plenary session of its 19th Central Committee in October last year, that “The ‘one country, two systems’ principle is an integral institutional arrangement adopted by the CPC in leading the people toward the peaceful reunification of the motherland, as well as a great innovation of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” That spoke highly of “one country, two systems” regarding its significance and historical role.

其实，对“一国两制”，从不同的角度有不同的表述。就难易程度而论，十六届四中全会称它是中国共产党治国理政的“崭新课题”，十七大又称是“重大课题”。就执政思路而论，十九大确定了治国理政的14个基本方略，坚持“一国两制”是其中的一个。就性质特征而论，十九届四中全会列出了我国制度和治理体系13个方面的显著优势，坚持“一国两制”也是其中之一。

As a matter of fact, “one country, two systems” can be interpreted from different perspectives. In terms of difficulty of implementation, the fourth plenary session of the 16th CPC Central Committee described it as a “brand new challenge” for the CPC in national governance. The 17th CPC Central Committee elevated it to a “major challenge” in 2008. In terms of guiding theory on governance, the 19th National Congress of the CPC listed maintaining “one country, two systems” as one of 14 fundamental strategies in governing state affairs; while the fourth plenary session of the 19th CPC Central Committee named it one of 13 outstanding advantages of China's institutions and governance philosophy.

不同的表述串起了这样一条逻辑链：因为是伟大创举，所以前无古人，所以是崭新课题；因为是治国方略，所以属重要制度，所以需不断完善；因为有显著优势，所以充满自信，所以要长期坚持。

Those descriptions may be different, but there is a clear logic: It is unprecedented because it was a great innovation; it is a brand new challenge because it is unprecedented; it needs to be improved constantly because it is an important, fundamental strategy in national governance; and we have full confidence in it because it is an outstanding advantage that we ought to maintain as long as it is necessary.

九七回归前，“一国两制”没有可以借鉴的现成经验。国民党统治大陆时，中共曾经在湘赣、陕北等地成立苏维埃，建政立法，还发行独立的货币。尽管“解放区的天是晴朗的天”，但在当时的统治者眼里，那是不合法的，以至要重兵围剿，一力“安内”，与回归后香港在国家保护和支持下的高度自治完全不是一回事。世界上一些享有某种自治权的地方，都与它所在的国家实行同样的社会制度，也与“一国两制”不是一回事。

China did not have prior experience in anything like “one country, two systems”, the implementation of which began only when China resumed the exercise of sovereign rule over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997. In early 20th century, the CPC established its own Soviet-style government in such regions as Hunan province, Jiangxi province and northern Shaanxi province, complete with its own rule of law and currency. Although they earned the distinction of “clear sky” for corruption-free governance, they were “illegal” in the eyes of the Kuomintang regime, which spared no effort in wiping out the CPC — in sharp contrast to today's Hong Kong, which enjoys a high degree of autonomy plus unmatched protection and support from the nation prescribed by the Basic Law. Around the world, no regions that has been granted a certain level of autonomy has in place institutions different from that of the rest of the country — as opposed to what the unique principle of “one country, two systems” has made possible.

中共十六大阐述了中国共产党自成立之日起经历的两次历史方位的转变。一次是新中国成立时，由为夺取政权而奋斗的党变为掌握政权并长期执政的党；另一次是改革开放后，由在封闭的计划经济条件下领导国家建设的党，变为在开放的市场经济条件下领导国家建设的党。仔细想一想，香港回归也意味着中共执政方式的一次历史性转变，即从单一社会主义条件下领导国家建设的党，变为在国家主体实行社会主义、局部地区实行资本主义条件下领导国家建设的党。这个转变或许不能同前两个相提并论，却实实在在地构成对中共执政的全新考验。

At its 16th National Congress, the CPC gave credit to two turning points when its political role changed historically. One happened on Oct 1, 1949, when the PRC was born and the CPC turned from a political party fighting to seize state power to the governing party set to maintain state governance as long as necessary. The other one was witnessed when reform and opening-up officially started in 1978, as the CPC proceeded to replace its old style of state governance catering to a closed and planned national economy with a new style of governance suitable for the long-term development of a market-oriented economy. Come to think of it, it is fair to see Hong Kong's return to the motherland as yet another turning point in the CPC's progression as the governing party of China. That was when the CPC decided to maintain a capitalist, free economy in part of the country while continuing to pursue socialism with Chinese characteristics in the main body of the country. The latest turning point may not be as significant as the previous two, but qualifies as an unprecedented and brand-new test for the Party in its own right.

同样的，对香港同胞来说，“一国两制”也是全新的挑战。邓小平说：“‘一国两制’是个新事物，有很多我们预料不到的事情。”谁都不是神仙，要熟悉“一国两制”，中央与特区都需要一个学习的过程。由于经验不足，由于新情况新问题层出不穷，在50年乃至更长的演进中，“一国两制”遇到波折在所难免，要以平常心面对，在探索中前行。

By the same token, “one country, two systems” is a bona fide challenge for Hong Kong compatriots as well. Deng Xiaoping once said “one country, two systems” is a new undertaking for all of us and no one is sure how it will fare down the road. Since none of us can actually see the future, both the central government and the SAR need to keep studying the exercise of “one country, two systems” inside out. By doing so, we will build our knowledge from the ground up and tackle each problem as it pops up along the way. Be it 50 years or longer, we have no choice but to take the challenges in stride, and push forward as we forge our path by “feeling the stones”.

原文刊登于4月8日《中国日报香港版》

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